The problem of variation in the English indefinite article between the forms a and an has long vexed linguists. In his 1933 classic, Language, Bloomfield cited this case as an example of free variation at the morphological level, saying, “There seems to be no principled basis for predicting which form occurs in which contexts.” This solution was accepted by the neo-
It was Jespersen who first questioned the Bloomfieldian solution. In 1941, he proposed that the syntactic class of the following word determined the form of the indefinite article; specifically, an occurred before adjectives, and a before nouns. He cited the following examples to support his theory.
In 1954, the second major attack, which was actually an extension of the first, was issued, based on example 8, below.
So matters stood when, in 1959, Chomsky published his landmark article “The Inadequacy of Immediate Constituent Structure Grammars: Further Evidence from the English Noun Phrase.” Chomsky criticized earlier linguists for thinking that the morphological form of the indefinite article was determined by the syntactic class of whatever word happened to follow it. In fact, Chomsky pointed out, the article functions as a determiner of the noun which is its head, and one should therefore expect its morphology to be governed by the noun. After examining the standard data, i.e. those given as examples above, he proposed the revolutionary theory that an is the indefinite article used with animate nouns and a that used with inanimates. All of the data used so far will be found to comply with this solution. As to the pesky an orange/a green, Chomsky proposed that oranges, single living things, are animate in a way that greens, collections of independently living entities not possessed of a collective life, are not. As support for this explanation he presented the following further examples.
Chomsky’s theory, which seemed to solve the problem so well, was universally accepted. Soon one of its new adherents noted that Chomsky’s analysis paralleled the traditional analysis of variation in the Spanish indefinite article, where the form is dictated by the noun’s gender. Because the theory seemed to work so well, because its creator was so illustrious, and because it had typological parallels, it was not challenged for many years.
When the challenge came, it originated in typology. Greenberg’s work in African languages had convinced him that most linguists had a very limited view of what possible noun classes could be. They classed nouns usually according to gender (masculine, feminine, neuter) or animacy (animate or inanimate). Greenberg believed that further investigation might show that the a/an dichotomy reflected a sort of noun class less familiar to European languages, but no less typologically possible. Reviewing the data presented so far, he determined that it was possible to divide up the nouns into classes of “items having significant size in only two dimensions,” which took a, and “others,” which took an. For the data already given, Greenberg’s theory worked quite as well as Chomsky’s. Greenberg next sought out and found the crucial examples below,
The year was 1971; linguistics was a volatile field; and people who had staked their reputations on the Chomskyan theory were not going to take this attack lying down. The first counterattacks concentrated on example #13, a sea of people; it was argued that a sea of people had a significant depth as well as length and width. Most reasonable scholars, however, agreed that in a sea of people the only significant dimensions are lateral. After all, there are no truly two-
Is this the solution? Do linguists delude themselves when they think that there might still be a solution to this seemingly intractable problem? The answer is a resounding no. Indeed, linguists are misguided on their views on this issue, but the neo-
In conclusion, I should like to urge that this article be taken to heart by those linguists who still ignore phonology in their analyses. As demonstrated here, many seemingly intractable problems can be solved with a little bit of effort in the right direction.
I would like to thank Jim Copeland for valuable comments and suggestions on an earlier draft of this paper. However, I can’t, because he made no valuable comments or suggestions on an earlier draft of this paper. As a matter of fact, there was no earlier draft.
1. an old man
This solution was widely hailed as a breakthrough in a previously misunderstood area. Over the next few years, it came to be generally accepted. However a small minority of linguists tried to poke holes in the theory. The most significant early attack was based on example 7, below,
2. a board
3. an elegant woman
4. a desktop
5. an orange monkey
6. a photograph
7. an orange
where a noun is preceded by an. The usual explanation for this anomaly was that orange, although a noun, was derived from an adjective and still retained adjectival force. This explanation, of course, assumed a synchronic rather than a historical derivation, since in fact the adjective historically derives from the noun. A slightly different explanation was that an orange is a truncated form of the phrase an orange fruit.
8. a green (as in golf)
The argument ran as follows: if #7 is to be explained by any of the arguments given above, these arguments should also apply to a green. According to the theory, the form should be an green
9. an elm
#9-11 were meant to show that individual living things, including plants, took an, while #12-13 were evidence that groups of living things, whether plants or more traditionally “animate”, took a. #14-15 showed that inanimates took a. Significantly, #9-11 and 14-15 were inexplicable by Jespersen’s theory.
10. an apple
11. an elephant
12. a field
13. a sea of people
14. a flat surface
15. a long fence
16. an orb
which contradict Chomsky’s theory but support Greenberg’s.
17. a manta ray
18. an album
Plainly, Greenberg’s theory could not account for #18-19. On the other hand, neither could Chomsky’s, and though attempts were made to rework it, all of them failed. With both Greenberg and Chomsky’s analyses invalidated, there began a mad scramble to find some other syntactic basis for what was still considered a morphological problem. Theories were proposed and discarded, more and more examples were considered, but to this day there has been no success. Indeed, many linguists have despairingly returned to the solution offered by Bloomfield and now claim that this is a case of morphological free variation.
19. a basketball
Tim Pulju
Michigan State University